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Susanne Klausing, Department of Management

With the widespread use of Internet technology and the collection of personal data, privacy has becomea prominent issue in public, academic, and regulatory debate. The EU has passed privacy regulations, butthe US does not yet have federal privacy regulation . However, several US states are debating how to effectively create and enforce privacy regulations. Previous research has focused on the financial effects of privacy regulations, but there is limited understanding of the impact on firm innovation. This gap in the literature is significant, as industry concerns about privacy regulations hindering innovationare a key obstacle to regulatory efforts in the US that could benefit consumers.

This research studies the relation between privacy regulation and organizational innovation. It investigates to what extent firms’ innovation in privacy-enhancing technologies (PETs) changes inresponse to the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA). The research develops a hypothesis that lowerdata availability, higher consumer privacy awareness, and greater legal pressure induced by the CCPA promote innovation that allows companies to gather and use personal data while safeguarding privacy and complying with regulations. Employing a Difference-in-Difference design, I propose to compare a treatment group (organizations affected by the CCPA) with a control group (organizations not affected by the CCPA) in terms of firms’ innovation in PETs, measured by patents registered. 

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Ziqi Zhong, Department of Management

This research, delves into the complex dynamics of consumer reluctance towards sustainable products, a phenomenon we identify as the "Green Dilemma." The study probes into why consumers hesitate to embrace eco-friendly products, considering factors like perceived product quality, functionality, cost, and social influence. Utilizing diverse methodologies, such as behavioral and topic modeling, sentiment analysis, and experimental data collection, it provides a comprehensive understanding of consumer attitudes towards green marketing and corporate social responsibility (CSR) communication.

The research bridges a gap in existing literature by analyzing how eco-positioning influences consumer behavior, guided by two hypotheses: the "Sustainability Liability" and the positive impact of visible CSR initiatives. Through experimental studies, the project aims to empirically evaluate consumer inertia and the effect of eco-positioning on this inertia. Preliminary findings suggest that eco-positioning can significantly reduce consumer inertia, contradicting the status quo bias in consumer behavior and quantifying its impact in monetary terms. Additionally, the study highlights the lesser-known but significant role of privacy concerns in adopting sustainable practices, offering valuable insights for businesses and policymakers in strategizing CSR and eco-friendly initiatives in the US market. The study aims to investigate the intricate barriers and facilitators influencing consumer adoption of sustainable products in the United States. The core questions are: What factors contribute to consumer inertia towards eco-friendly products, and how can effective marketing strategies mitigate these barriers? 

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Gray Sergeant, Department of International History

While the United Kingdom recognised the Communists in Beijing and the United States the Nationalists on Formosa, the two Cold War allies were not as far apart when it came to China as one might think. Britain was not blind to the challenges created by Mao Zedong’s revisionist regime. Moreover, most Americans knew that Chiang Kai-shek’s goal of reclaiming the mainland was a fantasy and that, as the 1960s drew on, they had to deal with reality. My research will explore how London and Washington attempted to reconcile their diverging China policies between 1957 and 1972.

During this period leaders in both countries had to grapple with crisis over the Nationalist offshore islands (1958), on the Sino-Indian border (1962), and the streets of Hong Kong (1967). As well as the emergence of China as a nuclear power, the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution, and annual wrangling over the United Nations China Seat. Come early 1972 Nixon made his shock visit to Beijing and Britain established full diplomatic relations with China – the allies had aligned (albeit in a seemingly uncoordinated fashion).

My research will identify areas where the UK and the US, in attempting to meet these challenges, aligned and where they diverged in terms of perceptions, interests and policy prescriptions. Where gaps between the two existed, I will explore if and how policymakers attempted to reconcile them or influence the other. Lastly, I will assess how successful these efforts were and, if they were, identify what this reconciliation came at the expense of. Post-Suez, was it really the case that Britain abandoned an independent China policy in order to sure-up the ‘special relationship’?

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Sophie Kaldor, Department of International Relations

This research develops a new theory of foreign policy decision-making under uncertainty based on recent findings from the field of psychology. Despite the rising popularity of behavioral-inspired models of decision-making over the last couple decades, and the significant research into how narratives influence behavior, surprisingly little attention has been paid to how narratives structure the decisionmaking process. The project applies the research supporting narrative thinking to develop a narrative-based theory of foreign policy decision-making.

Does a model of narrative thinking better account for sub-optimal foreign policy choices than alternative models? This research answers this question through a case-study based approach of American presidential decision-making under uncertainty, specifically a study of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s escalation of the United States’ commitment to the war in Vietnam during 1963-68. I examine now declassified memos written by the LBJ Administration, where policymakers debate the different strategies they could take towards the war. Using process tracing, I examine the choices these actors make over time, and compare my model with alternative theories to understand which theory best predicts the policy options left on and taken off the table. The findings from this study will make several contributions to the discipline, and for the purposes of the US Phelan Centre, will improve our understanding of American presidential decision-making and offer lessons for the United States’ present and potential future wars.

Avi Cherla, Department of Health Policy

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) serves as the gatekeeper to the largest pharmaceutical market globally. In surveys, Americans report their belief that FDA-approved drugs are highly effective with low risks of harm. But owing to lobbying from industry and some patient organisations, more drugs have recently been approved despite limited evidence on their efficacy and safety. This is particularly the case for new cancer medicines.

For Americans to make informed decisions about their health, they need understandable information on the benefits, harms, and uncertainties of prescription drugs. FDA has a legal requirement to communicate this information – but currently falls short. Regulated prescription drug information often fails to communicate limitations to the public.

As evidence standards decline, insufficient communication about drug benefits, harms, and uncertainties may erode trust in regulatory agencies. My research is aimed at developing and testing strategies that can help the FDA improve its role as safeguarding public health through better provision of information. 

Albert Cullell Cano, Department of International Relations

This project examines the intersection of liberal peacebuilding, transgenerational trauma, and identity formation in post-Brexit Northern Ireland. It will explore the evolving role of several US administrations in the Northern Ireland peace process. While focusing on the brokering of the Good Friday Agreement and its aftermath, including the contemporary implications of the recent 25th anniversary commemorations, the project will particularly assess whether and how US mediators and policymakers have considered trauma healing and cross-identity reconciliation in its involvement in Northern Ireland. More generally, this research will contribute to gain better insights into the US’ broader strategic shifts in global peacebuilding initiatives in the 21st century.

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Michelle Pajero, Department of International History

My research focuses on World War Two in North Africa as a key period when Fascist oppression and colonial tensions reached a climax in the region. I intend to shed light on how colonial relations changed due to war events in Libya, Tunisia and Algeria between 1940 and 1943, when North Africa was governed by the empires of Vichy France and Fascist Italy.

The U.S. invasion of North Africa in 1942-43 is a key element of the equation. American diplomats and intelligence officers like Robert Murphy observed and analyzed imperial policies and colonial relations from a unique angle to lay the ground for U.S. intervention. After the invasion, American troops reshaped the history of the Fascist Mediterranean not only by defeating Vichy and Axis forces, but also by importing new values and ideas through everyday encounters with locals. The invasion of North Africagave Americans the opportunity to rethink their relations both with colonizers and the colonized based on first-hand experience of the colonial setting, and that in turn significantly affected colonial relations. For example, the Destour Party in Tunisia used U.S. protection against French repression, while North African Jews sought U.S. assistance against European racism. The inclusion of U.S. sources into the study of wartime North Africa can thus have a great impact on traditional European historiography. Only by integrating U.S. agency into the equation can we fully explain why, how and with what consequences did the war affect colonial relations in the region.

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Ryoya Mizuno, Department of International History

My research examines the international thought of Arnold J. Toynbee (1889-1975), a British world historian and student of international relations. The study ranges from its formation during the Balkan Wars to the mid-twentieth century, analyzing Toynbee's writings on history and world politics alongside his institutional activities and media presence in multiple places. In particular, it demonstrates central elements of Toynbee's international thought, including his ideas on modern nation-states, the British Empire, the relationship between Western and non-Western civilizations, and world history. The research also explores the global resonances of Toynbee's international thought, focusing on global receptions and interactions beyond his home country, Britain. Therefore, it can be construed as a study of international/global (intellectual) history, revealing political visions in the global space and circulations of ideas beyond national or regional boundaries.

The United States is a significant case in light of investigating Toynbee's thought and its global resonances. Shortly before and during the Second World War, when the threat of Nazi Germany loomed in Europe and beyond, Toynbee began to view the United States as a vanguard of Western values. This view persisted in the context of the early Cold War as well. Building on this conception, Toynbee played a critical role as a British intellectual in shaping a transatlantic ideological connection with American counterparts, advocating for 'the Western community' or the 'transatlantic federation' to defend liberty against the threat of totalitarianism. Nevertheless, Toynbee became sceptical of the American role as a leading force in the West in the 1960s, especially after he visited Latin America and witnessed the problem of American informal imperial practices in the region, which he anticipated had a detrimental impact on the relationship between Western and non-Western worlds.

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Ola Aboukhsaiwan, Department of Economics

Reproductive rights in the US changed dramatically on January 22nd, 1973, and again on June 24th, 2022. While some economists have explored the economic effects of legalization, little research has investigated the subsequent effects of innovation, competition, and price. Yet, historians have asserted that “abortion-related deaths fell by 98%” in the decade after legalization. This extraordinary statistic deserves investigation. I investigate several essential abortion-related economic questions using a novel digitalized dataset incorporating clinic-level archival data. How does provider competition impact the technological adoption of abortion services and pricing? How responsive are different groups of women to price and distance when making abortion decisions? What are the impacts of removing a federal subsidy for abortion on deaths, teen births, and the economic well-being of women across the US?

I answer these questions using newly digitalized data on abortion providers from the National Abortion Federation (NAF) Membership Directories for the years 1978-1986. I use econometrics methods to identify the impacts of competition and innovation on abortion access, pricing, and technology provision. I supplement this with detailed revenue and cost breakdowns for providers in New York State. This enables a robust counterfactual analysis using supply shocks (e.g., to physicians' salaries and cost of medical supplies).

This investigation into the dynamics of abortion service provision and federal abortion policy enables crucial insight intothe broader themes of regulatory policy and economic security in 21st-century America. This analysis enables a richer understanding of how government subsidies directly influence the economic and social welfare of women and families.

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